Introduction

Persecution of religious groups, including Christians, has been a fixture of the People’s Republic of China since it was established in 1949. Under Mao Zedong’s leadership from 1949 until his death in 1976, the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) started a campaign to stamp out religion that culminated in the deadly Cultural Revolution of the 1960s and 70s, during which churches were destroyed and Christians were imprisoned, tortured, and killed. Under Mao’s successor, Deng Xiaoping, persecution eased, and subsequent CCP leaders opted to restrict religious practice rather than eradicate it. During the 1980s, Christianity grew rapidly in China, particularly due to the spread of “house churches” in rural areas.

Currently, both Protestant and Catholic churches must register with state-run church associations and comply with communist party dictates. Those not in compliance risk operating illegally as a house church. This can expose pastors and congregants to arrest, raids, and interrogations. It is not uncommon for house churches to physically bar their doors to prevent entry, surveillance, and harassment by authorities.

The political environment for churches in China has changed dramatically within the past ten years, particularly with the ascension of President Xi Jinping in 2013. Under President Xi, restrictions on religious practice have tightened for all faiths. New regulations make it more difficult for Christians to share information on the internet. Clergy are required to affirm their loyalty to the CCP’s rule and its goal of the “sinicization of religion” (Chen, 2021; Cheng, 2022). Technological advancements make it easier for the government to identify and track religious activity, exposing believers to punishment and intimidation.

Open Doors, an organization that supports persecuted Christians around the world, noted in the 2022 edition of its annual World Watch List report that there has been a marked increase in persecution in China over the past five years in all five spheres of life that the organization tracks: private life, family life, community life, national life, and church life (Open Doors, 2022). The increasing discomfort that religious adherents and political dissidents feel in China is evident. According to the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), the annual number of asylum-seekers from China rose from 15,362 in 2012 to 107,864 in 2020 (The Economist, 2021).

Literature Review

To date, much of the literature investigating persecution’s effect on families has focused on Holocaust survivors. These studies have shown that persecution has psychological and physiological consequences that can be experienced by subsequent generations who were not exposed to the event(s) firsthand. Some of these studies have noted corresponding risk factors for negative mental health outcomes in the second and third generation (e.g., Braga et al., 2012; Durst, 2010; Felsen, 2017; Kellermann, 2013; Wang & Gordon, 2018).

One way these studies have shown negative psychological outcomes (e.g., Siegel & Han, 2018; Braga et al., 2012; Kizilhan et al., 2021) is by observing higher rates of posttraumatic stress disorder (PTSD) and other negative mental health issues in the second and third generation of families experiencing persecution compared to the general population (Bowers & Yehuda, 2016). These effects have also been observed in children (Braga et al., 2012). In fact, the offspring of the persecuted seem to be at risk for multiple negative complications, which include physiological, psychological, and psychosomatic symptoms (Montgomery, 2004; Bowers & Yehuda, 2016; Braga et al., 2012). Other risks that have been reported include difficulties establishing healthy relationships (Plänkers, 2011), an increased amount of relational conflict (Siegel & Han, 2018), and less overall happiness (Siegel & Han, 2018).

Importantly, it has also been noted that extreme trauma experienced during childhood can be instrumental in identity formation (Grünberg & Markert, 2017). In this case, it seems that second-generation survivors may have a hyperawareness of their survivor status, an over-identification with their parents’ trauma, increased feelings of fear and distrust, and a greater sense of personal vulnerability (Kizilhan et al., 2021; Braga et al., 2012). It has also been noted that some of these risks may be more pronounced in women, children, and those with a history of mental illness (Foster, 2010).

Another common factor that has been reported as a risk for negative mental health outcomes among second-generation trauma survivors is what is referred to as a “conspiracy of silence” (Montgomery, 2004, p. 70). This occurs when family members who were persecuted do not talk about the traumatic event(s) or only indirectly communicate their experiences (Braga et al., 2012). One way that silence affects children is that in the absence of communication, their imaginations are left to fill in the gaps. This can lead to an increase in anxiety. Similarly, Lijtmaer (2017) found that unconscious, nonverbal, and other indirect communication of trauma can negatively affect a child’s ability to perceive his own experience, which can heighten a sense of shame.

The deleterious effects of trauma on subsequent generations of trauma survivors have also been observed in the Chinese population. For example, one study in China found that children with parents and grandparents who suffered traumatic events had significantly more mental illness when compared to children whose parents and grandparents had not experienced trauma (Siegel & Han, 2018). Another investigation looked at children whose family members were involved in the Chinese Cultural Revolution (Plänkers, 2011). This study found the traumatic experiences of survivors of the Revolution had a significant effect on the second-generation trauma (Plänkers, 2011). Another study found that Chinese survivors tended to avoid expressing deep emotion (Plänkers, 2011, 2014).

Resilience Factors

Although risk factors for traumatic reactions have been well documented, less is known about the factors that mitigate symptoms in the second and third generations. Nevertheless, some factors have been identified and have shown that healthy emotional well-being can be transmitted in the same way as trauma (Braga et al., 2012). That is, traumatic responses might subside through protective factors such as positive relationships (Ting & Watson, 2007; Nooney & Woodrum, 2002), communication (Foster, 2010; Lijtmaer, 2017), and counseling and religious practice (Fabricatore et al., 2000; Foster, 2010; Ellison, 1991). Daud et al. (2008) also found that supportive relationships and social groups with continuous supportive care can help ward off the development of maladaptive behavioral patterns. Similarly, Foster (2010) found that counseling could potentially strengthen and maintain resilience in survivors.

In their study of Chinese pastors who had suffered persecution and imprisonment for their religious beliefs, Ting & Watson (2007) found that connection to a faith community; family support; and spiritual disciplines of worship, biblical meditation, and prayer had positive effects on the resilience of the survivor and his family. The study concluded that personal spirituality and involvement in a religious community are significant coping mechanisms for Christians. Fabricatore et al. (2000) also found religious involvement to have a positive moderating effect on personal well-being.

Although a few studies demonstrate the intergenerational effect of trauma on the second and third generations, less is known about the effects on those who experience both secondary trauma and various degrees of primary trauma, particularly in the context of political and religious persecution. Even less is known about those fleeing Eastern countries who are separated from their family of origin and are seeking safety in the United States. Similarly, there is some literature to demonstrate that there are protective factors that mitigate trauma, but less is known about the effect on those who have injuries or loss to those previously held factors (i.e., faith eroded due to trauma, disillusionment due to persecution, or a social support system lost due to the child migrating to a new country for safety purposes).

The focus of this study, then, was to examine the impact of persecution on children whose parent(s) were imprisoned on account of their faith. The intent was to discover how they and their families coped with these events and better understand the nature of both risk and protective factors among second-generation survivors of Chinese persecution.

Methodology

Procedures

The participants in this study were solicited through an organization that facilitates the resettlement of Chinese persecuted families. The organization’s founder served as a gatekeeper for this study. Potential participants were contacted via an email invitation, which was forwarded by the resettlement organization beginning in February 2022, with a cutoff in early July 2022. The email invitation informed potential study participants that they would be asked about their experiences of having a parent or caregiver imprisoned for their religious beliefs. The study directives, which entailed a 60- to 90-minute interview and an online questionnaire, were explained in the letter. The initial email also outlined the confidential and ethical requirements adhered to in the study; said requirements were in consultation with a board for activities involving human subjects.

Participants were invited to join the study based on the resettlement organization’s knowledge of its client base and the inclusion criteria outlined by the primary investigator. The inclusion criteria required that participants have a parent or caregiver who had been in prison for their religious beliefs, although families may have undergone additional types of persecution and harassment from the government. To participate in this study, respondents had to be at least 18 years old, no longer residing in China, residents of the United States for at least one year, and recommended by the resettlement organization to ensure that the potential participant was physically safe and in a psychologically stable place. Based on reports that some studies showed higher amounts of primary (e.g., DeSalvo et al., 2007; Galea et al., 2008) and secondary traumatic stress among females (e.g., Iliffe & Steed, 2000; Kassam-Adams, 1999), interview questions were framed to determine if any differences in responses to persecution emerged based on sex. For this reason, participants were also purposively sampled to reflect possible distinctions that may be an artifact of the respondent’s sex. The total sample that met all the aforementioned criteria included five participants.

Measures

The Chinese Family Study (CFS) is a qualitative study that used a semi-structured interview guide with questions on five topics, including: (1) experiences in China; (2 & 3) family and personal responses to persecution; (4) leaving China and coming to the United States; and (5) policy and other recommendations. Participants were also asked to complete a questionnaire that involved demographic questions related to Chinese ethnicity, religion, and marital status as well as several personal and family-related questions to understand the time and nature of the persecution. Additionally, several well-established self-report measures were used to assess other exposures to traumatic life events, posttraumatic stress symptoms, and attachment styles with different significant relationships. Exposures to traumatic life events were assessed by the Life Events Checklist (LEC-5) (Gray et al., 2004). The higher the score, the greater exposure to potentially traumatic events (i.e., 0=not sure and/or does not apply; 1=learned about it; 2=witnessed it; and 3=happened to me). Posttraumatic stress disorder was measured by the PTSD Checklist-Civilian Version (PCL-C; Ruggiero, et al., 2003; Weathers et al., 1994), a 17-item, five-point Likert self-report scale. This scale asks participants the degree to which they were “bothered” by the stressful event (e.g., harassment, persecution of family members) during the past month. The instrument contains four subscales that reflect the PTS diagnosis outlined in Diagnostic and Statistical Manual for Mental Disorders V, which includes re-experiencing, avoidant, cognition and mood, and arousal symptoms. Attachment style was measured by the Relationship Structures Questionnaire (ECR-RS) (Fraley et al., 2011), which assesses both avoidant and anxious styles in close relationships. The ECR-RS was selected because it assesses attachment styles specific to a significant relationship, such as a mother, father, or friend.

It is also important to note the use of several terms throughout this study. Historically, the term “persecution” has not had strict legal definitions, in part because the manifestation of persecution changes over time (Goodwin-Gill, 1996, p. 96). For this study, acts of persecution included torture, violence (including sexual violence), arbitrary arrest, false imprisonment, and serious and ongoing forms of discrimination. Many of the participants’ personal experiences and those of their families also included incidents of harassment from Chinese authorities. In the U.S. criminal code, “harassment” includes “the use or threat of use of violence or other criminal means to harm the physical person, reputation, or property of any person” (Title 15—Commerce and Trade, 2016).

Finally, everyone in the sample had at least one family member who had been imprisoned on account of their faith. The term “prisoner of conscience” (POC), coined by the founders of Amnesty International in 1961 and later widely used among human rights activists, typically refers to “any person who is physically restrained (by imprisonment or otherwise) from expressing (in any form of words or symbols) any opinion which he honestly holds, and which does not advocate or condone personal violence” (Williams, 2022).

Findings

Participants in the sample moved from China to the United States between 2005 and 2021. Two participants were currently married, three were never married, and none had been divorced. Participants’ ages ranged from 18 to 51 (M=29, SD=13). All participants had firsthand experience with persecution and harassment from Chinese authorities. Everyone in the sample had at least one family member who had been imprisoned for their faith. Most commonly, that family member was a biological father. Two participants had also experienced a mother, sibling, or another significant person in their life imprisoned for their beliefs. In addition to participants’ experiences with the Chinese authorities, everyone in the sample reported experiencing several other stressful life experiences (e.g., natural disasters) as measured by the LEC-5 and therefore met criterion A for a possible post-traumatic stress diagnosis from events that exceeded their interactions with the Chinese authorities. In congruence with the high number of stressful events reported on the LEC-5, scores on the PCL-5 were likewise relatively high for most of the sample. One participant endorsed a significant number of PTS symptoms (M=35), while the remaining participants were slightly under the traditional cut scores for assessing a potential PTS diagnosis. Only one participant reported minimal PTS symptoms (M=10).

Table 1

Results of PCL-5, Total Sample

Although there is no traditional cut score for the ECR-RS, it was notable that participants scored higher on attachment avoidance dimensions of the measure than for attachment anxiety. In particular, the attachment avoidance dimension was highest among participants’ relationships with their fathers compared to two other relationships (i.e., mother, friend), but no meaningful differences were observed between male and female participants on the ECR-RS or the other standardized instruments.

Table 2

Results of ECR-RS, Total Population

Responses to the interview questions were analyzed using qualitative methods with the purpose of finding commonalities among participant responses. To this end, a content analysis (Lincoln & Guba, 1985) was conducted on the open-ended interview questions. As a strategy to optimize trustworthiness (Padgett, 2008), two coders were adopted to analyze the data. The coders used a constant comparison method (Glaser & Strauss, 1967) to examine the data. Line-by-line coding was conducted by reading and rereading the participants’ responses. To reduce researcher bias, the codes were assessed and developed independently of the two coders and the primary investigator. Following analysis between the primary and secondary coders, the codes were discussed until an agreement could be reached. The codes were then collapsed into six primary themes, which comprised nine subthemes (see Table 3). As a strategy to ensure participants’ narratives were accurately depicted, Padgett (2008) suggests triangulating interview data with quantitative survey material. This is referred to as a positive strategy to reduce both researcher and respondent bias. Therefore, both coders were blinded to the quantitative results until the themes were complete. The quantitative self-report measures were then used to collaborate with participants’ narratives, and no anomalies were discovered.

Qualitative Findings

Table 3

Themes of Children of Unjustly Imprisoned

Theme One: Growing Up in China

The first theme, growing up in China, characterized respondents’ upbringing in their birth country. Most participants shared their church and school experiences, which seemed to be some of the central organizing themes regarding early life in China. Participants’ responses depicted both settings as places subject to harassment and persecution from Chinese authorities.

“They would record [and] spy on your WeChat, and they would try to, like, disconnect you from things. For example, if you’re on WeChat and you’re saying, ‘This week on Friday, we’re having a Bible study somewhere,’ they would see that on WeChat, and before everything even starts to happen, they would dismantle everyone else. They will dismantle the group chat, and suddenly, it’s just like everything’s lost. Lots of stuff like this.”

“I don’t like the public school at all, but they say if you’re not allowing your [name omitted] to go to the public school, that means you’re a cult.”

“I know that right now, if you are under 18, you are not allowed to go to the church. That’s illegal for right now.”

Theme Two: Threats and Harassment

The second theme was threats and harassment. All study participants experienced the unjust imprisonment of their father, and a few experienced imprisonments of other family members, including a mother, a sibling, and a relative. Most of those interviewed personally experienced threats and harassment due to their family member’s imprisonment for their religious beliefs. Some of these threats came from Chinese authorities and were ongoing at the participants’ homes, schools, and churches. Other participants described being further harassed by members of their communities.

“They [Chinese authorities] were talking about threats like, ‘Oh, we know where your daughter goes to school, and we know how she gets to school.’ At that time, I just thought they were talking about information they knew about me. But thinking back to it, they were really threatening my mom, saying that if you keep doing this, your daughter might be in danger.”

“[D]uring [my father’s] imprisonment, we were constantly followed by the policemen, mostly my mom … they [Chinese authorities] came over to my house once with 20 people, undercover. They came in and searched for things because my dad was accused of leaking the supreme secrets or whatever… .”

“After my father was imprisoned, the higher police station asked the local police station to send officers to basically threaten me. And they told me, ‘You see, your father did something bad, and he was imprisoned, so you shouldn’t be a Christian.’ And this was when I was about seven or eight years old. I was really afraid, really scared, did not know much about anything. And to receive that kind of treatment by four or five men in my school at my principal’s office, where they had kicked out the principal, it was just a really traumatic experience that stuck with me.”

Other participants described being further harassed by members of their communities and schools.

“After my father was imprisoned, the neighbor that originally was friendly … shifted their attitude. They started to make derogatory comments to my mother, and they would laugh at me as a kid. And certain comments were sexual to my mother and kind of like a laughing type of derogatory way.”

Theme Three: Safety Concerns and Ongoing Traumatic Reactions

Theme 3 was about safety concerns and ongoing traumatic reactions. All participants described continued traumatic reactions to their family’s experiences in China. These threats did not go away following their move to the United States. Participants described not knowing who to trust and how their behavior in the United States might impact family still in China. For some participants, these safety concerns were intertwined with ongoing traumatic responses and a necessity to remain guarded.

“But I cannot trust the average Chinese people. Maybe they’re [a] spy, maybe they [are] just [an] officer of CCP.”

“We just want to feel more safety … you know that the Chinese spy, I mean … they can call us, and they can find us. We talk to FBI, sometimes they just say, ‘Oh, if they call you, that’s not breaking the law, everyone can call you.’ I mean, they need to have some punishment or something. They need to do something. They cannot just let them [Chinese authorities] do that.”

“If I do something in the U.S., I don’t know why the Chinese government knows [about it]. And they come find my family member in China, and they talk to [them and say], ‘Tell your [family] in the U.S. stay quiet. Don’t share anything with the newspaper or something. Don’t join an interview.’”

“So even though, like, after we came to America, when people knock on the door, sometimes I still have that feeling like, ‘Oh, wait, who is it? Are they going to take my dad away?’”

Theme Four: Faith

Theme 4 had to do with the impact that participants’ parents’ imprisonment and ongoing persecution had on their personal faith. Almost all the participants talked about a time of questioning their faith and their family members’ decision to stay committed to their beliefs. Within the context of being opposed for having faith, some asked, “Why me?” Some also expressed anger toward the parent whose faith expressions precipitated the persecution. These participants also spoke about aspects of these events as eventually strengthening their faith.

Under the theme of faith, participants described a subtheme characterized by questions and anger regarding their faith, their family, and their family’s faith:

“Well, at the time, I did question my faith because I was thinking… . I was complaining about my dad, but I didn’t … I didn’t say it to anybody. But I was thinking, ‘Huh, if he does not do these things [Christian ministry], then things might look different.’ Like, ‘I just want to be normal.’ ‘I don’t want to go to church on Sunday.’ ‘I want to be sleeping.’ I did have a time that I crashed in my faith. Like, ‘Why do those miserable things happen to my family?’”

“The village is in a way where if a man did something bad, the surrounding villages as well, they would know. And with that came additional harassment and just finger pointing at my family, which caused hatred to my own father because of what we had to go through.”

“When I was young, I was thinking, ‘If I am living at a normal family who’s not a Christian, will it be good or not?’”

Under the same theme, participants also described a subtheme characterized by a renewing of their faith. Despite going through a time of anger and questioning about their beliefs and their families’ unrelenting stance, all participants, to varying degrees, described a strengthening of their faith that came with time.

“At first, I did not understand, but after experiencing what Jesus had experienced, Jesus said what I go through, the sufferings you will also go through. It made me understand why my father was imprisoned and he didn’t leave his faith. And I saw the power of the Christian faith. And that the power is now, and that faith is now in my life as well.”

“In the time of suffering, you just see the presence of God in different ways. And those … are the moments that you should focus on, instead of, like, the suffering that you’re just going through. In the sense that it did shake my faith a little bit, but overall, it strengthened my faith.”

Theme Five: Unspoken

Theme five noted that one of the effects of persecution is that it is not spoken about. When talking about how their family coped with persecution, most participants reported that their family did not talk or say much about the events, except for safety planning for future incident(s). As one participant said, “It’s just the way we used to interact with each other.”

“And I think my parents and my brother tried to protect me too much without telling me anything. But they don’t know that I understand some parts of it. And to have me as such a young child, to understand parts of it and interpret it in my own way, I would rather them just telling me straightforward and telling me what is right and what is wrong and what is happening.”

“I don’t have the full story because my dad doesn’t—my parents don’t tell me everything. Just, like, in order to protect me. That’s what they say. I believe it.”

“I have to say, we just handle our feelings by ourselves. We know we have a very bad time. Yeah, but we handle this time by ourselves.”

Some participants expressed a desire to have more communication with their families about how the persecution affected them.

“And then we [children of persecuted parents] would talk about some things like what happened when we were young, and we would talk about what we know now and what we know then, and see well, really, if we know all these things back then, if our parents would tell us that they think that they would grow up to be, like, not better persons, but, like, have a better self.”

Theme Six: Recommendations for Policymakers and Faith Leaders

Concerning theme 6, participants made recommendations for both faith leaders and policymakers, noting some of the difficulties in fleeing to the United States and adjusting to a new country. Participants referenced language barriers and adjusting to American culture.

“When we first came [to the United States], it was really hard at first. I learned English when I was very young. I didn’t really have a language barrier, but my brother did. My parents both did to this day. My mom can communicate, but she can’t communicate really well. If you’re preparing to come to the United States, I think learning English, I think that’s one thing. And another for, like, immigrant families, I think because of the language issue, like, my parents would need my brother and I to do a lot of things.”

“And sometimes I would ask [my American friends] something about maybe rent[ing] an apartment or something because they live here all the time so they can know the city very well. It’s really better than if I ask questions to some Chinese. You know, every time I just Google: ‘How to fill the I-765 in Chinese?’ Some Chinese people would teach you to do that. But they don’t even read the instruction of that form very clearly. So, some information is just wrong. Totally wrong! But yeah, I really hope the church could help us to do more [with] the American culture.”

Another challenge that all participants discussed was the systemic hindrances to settling down and feeling at home in the United States. Participants experienced long waiting periods for any information on their cases from the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services. Consequently, they had difficulty getting the necessary documents to function at a basic level in society and to work.

“For one thing, we’ve been in America basically ten years. But we still haven’t gotten our asylum green card yet.”

“It’s a really long wait because before we got our asylum approved, like, there’s a lot of things. For example, getting our driver’s license. Handling the DMV is like my worst nightmare. Because they don’t have an exact thing for every situation.”

“I have to wait for a very long time. If I am a refugee, I have to raise my baby, and I cannot work. No one could help me. How can I live here? I think maybe for the work permission or for something else, maybe like asylum, we can be a little easier for someone who cannot speak English well. And the period could be shorter because we really wait for a long time. Till now, I didn’t get any, like any, feedback. I think I’ve really wait[ed] for very long time.”

Despite the challenges in adjusting to the United States, all the participants reported receiving help from American churches.

“They had a church in [certain state] that helped us. They helped us financially, of course, and they also helped us, like, emotional support-wise.”

“The U.S. church is very compassionate, especially the local churches.”

There was also a desire to see the American church and faith-based groups be more aware of persecution in China.

“Persecution is more than just ‘persecution,’ the word itself. It impacts your life from every, every aspect. I want Americans to know that … American churches to know that and to pray for them. And if you are able to, please try to reach out and be aware of their needs.”

Discussion

The themes found from the qualitative data in this study were congruent with participants’ scores on standardized measures. First, the scores on the PCL-C (post-traumatic stress measure) were relatively high. This outcome was expected given the nature of the study and the number of events endorsed on the LEC scale. Only one participant had a very low PCL-C score, but this respondent also reported the least amount of traumatic life events on the LEC scale compared to others in the study. This may explain, at least partially, the participant’s lower PCL-C scores. This finding is similar to previous studies that showed a greater risk for traumatic responses with greater exposure to highly stressful events (e.g., Galea et al., 2008). The high number of events endorsed on the LEC scale by the rest of the sample also supports previous findings that showed children of refugee and Holocaust survivors generally tended to have more traumatic life events (e.g., Yehuda et al., 2001).

In this way, the relatively high rates of post-traumatic stress and negative mental health symptoms have repeatedly been demonstrated with investigations from Holocaust survivors’ children (e.g., Letzer-Pouw et al., 2014; Siegel & Han, 2018; Braga et al., 2012; Kizilhan et al., 2021; Bowers & Yehuda, 2016). These studies, however, addressed the presence of traumatic symptoms in Holocaust survivors’ children based on secondhand exposure to traumatic events. In other words, participants from these samples learned about their parents’ persecutions rather than experiencing the events firsthand.

In the present investigation, participants did not face wrongful imprisonment, but they did encounter harassment and threats of potential harm from the Chinese authorities firsthand. Some participants continued to face threats despite leaving their country of origin, and everyone in the sample remained stateless. That is, they could not be confident that the United States was their permanent home, which could be another factor accounting for the level of the traumatic symptoms reported in this study.

In terms of how the families coped with persecution, another theme that emerged pertained to communication within the household. This theme was described as a lack of communication and even silence about what the family endured. This theme has also been noted in other studies (e.g., Montgomery, 2004). In our current study, some participants expressed a desire for more emotion-laden conversation rather than conversation only about emergency planning or fact-based content.

In this vein, some studies specific to Chinese samples reported cultural mores that may inhibit emotional expressions (Plankers, 2011, 2014). This factor may further complicate what is already known about physiological responses to trauma. That is, traumatic events are known to affect Broca’s area of the brain (i.e., speech area), and it is often referred to as “speechless horror” (Bremner et al., 1999; Milad et al., 2009; Rauch et al., 2000; Shin et al., 2001). It could be that both culture and physiology are having a cumulative effect on the capacity for family dialogue.

Relatedly, attachment styles have been investigated and shown to have a role in transmitting trauma to the next generation. These studies found Holocaust survivors’ children had more negative psychological symptoms (Kellermann, 2001; Letzer-Pouw et al., 2014). Communication problems have also been noted in these investigations with families (Giladi & Bell, 2013); however, the strength of the parent-child attachment may play a mediating role in some negative symptoms (Han, 2006). This could be the case in this present study, where the scores on the ECR-RS were highest on the avoidance style and with respect to the relationship with their fathers. The narrative data further corroborated this finding. Most participants spoke about their father with respect to his imprisonment, but more emotional expression and details of family interactions were offered when speaking about the mother and sibling relationships.

Although this study’s findings support much of the aforementioned reports on refugees and intergenerational trauma, one particularly unique theme was present within our sample. That is, participants’ descriptions of their religious beliefs were described as tenuous in the face of the persecution and, for a time, their faith abated. Participants described a process whereby they pivoted from a desire to be in “another family” or wondering, “why me,” to a place of resolve and strength. The descriptions offered here seemed to be a normal part of stabilizing one’s beliefs amid attempts to squelch any viewpoints opposing state-adopted doctrine.

Limitations

As a qualitative study, the methodology and the sample size do not permit generalizing the findings beyond this investigation. The participants in this study were solicited by a resettlement advocate with knowledge of their capacity to respond to the interview and questionnaire. It may be that those who chose to contribute to this study were highly motivated, more psychologically stable, and more engaged in the refugee issues than those who chose not to participate in the investigation. The amount of time since coming to the United States (e.g., Helgeson et al., 2006), the different types and exposures to adverse events (e.g., Rothbaum et al., 1992; Resick, et al., 2002), the developmental phase when the exposures occurred (e.g., Carlson & Dalenberg, 2000), and the age when coming to the United States are all variables known to contribute to potential traumatic responses. These variables were not accounted for and are beyond the scope of the present investigation.

Nonetheless, these findings have implications for understanding the risks and the protective factors for children affected by the wrongful imprisonment of a family member in China. Taken together, the themes from this study indicate that aspects of intergenerational trauma were present among the children of Chinese religious prisoners. Importantly, those in the sample experienced both primary and secondary exposures to trauma while in their homeland, and they continued to experience threats after coming to the United States. One systematic review of the refugee literature found that constructs used to describe children of persecuted families varied widely and were insufficient to describe this population (Sangalang & Vang, 2017). This was also found to be the case in this study; the current constructs did not encompass the varied types of trauma exposure, nor is there a construct to accurately portray either the wounding that came to their faith as a result of persecution or the subsequent growth that followed.

Conclusion

The purpose of this initial study was to understand the effect of persecution on families coming from China. Specifically, this study sought to understand possible mitigating factors for traumatic reactions and factors that might facilitate pre- and post-migration to the United States. The findings from this study suggest that participants, regardless of their time away from their homeland, experienced traumatic stress symptoms, albeit in varying degrees. Traumatic symptoms were exacerbated for those who also reported ongoing safety concerns. These were described as originating from the Chinese authorities and were attempts to harass and threaten both their family still residing in the homeland and their personal well-being while living in the United States. Most participants offered a fact-based description of the persecution experienced personally and by their families. Only one participant had a strong emotional reaction when speaking about her family’s interaction with the Chinese authorities. Almost all participants noted the lack of communication among family members regarding their parent’s imprisonment and the persecution faced by all members of their household. Those who noted the absence of communication also expressed a wish for more conversation within the parent-child relationship that was specific to the effect of persecution. These participants also described times of questioning their faith and wondering what life would be like if they came from a family that did not hold religious beliefs. Nearly all participants described a process whereby they were strengthened in their beliefs and had a greater sense of ownership over their faith.

As the potential for persecuted Chinese people coming to the United States increases, more studies should focus on the cultural factors and the interplay between the individual and familial responses to trauma. Future studies should also address gaps in constructs used to measure various types of exposure and traumatic responses so that this population’s experiences can be accurately depicted and treated. Likewise, trauma work is generally done in the context of safety (e.g., Herman, 1997; Danylchuk & Connors, 2016). As these findings indicate, any therapeutic modality offered to this population should be done with recognition of possible ongoing safety concerns from the Chinese government.

References

Bowers, M. E. & Yehuda, R. (2016). Intergenerational transmission of stress in humans. Neuropsychopharmacology, 41(1), 232–244. https://doi.org/10.1038/npp.2015.247

Braga, L. L., Mello, M. F., & Fiks, J. P. (2012). Transgenerational transmission of trauma and resilience: a qualitative study with Brazilian offspring of Holocaust survivors. BMC Psychiatry, 12, 134. https://doi.org/10.1186/1471-244X-12-134

Bremner, J. D., Staib, L. H., Kaloupek, D., Southwick, S. M., Soufer, R., & Charney, D. S. (1999). Neural correlates of exposure to traumatic pictures and sound in Vietnam combat veterans with and without posttraumatic stress disorder: a positron emission tomography study. Biological Psychiatry, 45(7), 806–816. https://doi.org/10.1016/s0006-3223(98)00297-2

Carlson, E. B. & Dalenberg, C. J. (2000). A conceptual framework for the impact of traumatic experiences. Trauma, Violence, & Abuse, 1(1), 4-28. https://doi.org/10.1177/1524838000001001002

Chen, M. (2021, October). Factsheet: China. United States Commission on International Religious Freedom. https://www.uscirf.gov/sites/default/files/2021-10/2021%20China%20Factsheet.pdf

Cheng, S. (2022, March 3). Can China’s new regulations really stop evangelism on the internet? Christianity Today. https://www.christianitytoday.com/ct/2022/march-web-only/internet-regulations-china-evangelism.html

Danylchuk, L. S. & Connors, K. J. (2016). Treating complex trauma and dissociation: A practical guide to navigating therapeutic challenges. Routledge.

Daud, A., af Klinteberg, B., & Rydelius, P. A. (2008). Resilience and vulnerability among refugee children of traumatized and non-traumatized parents. Child and Adolescent Psychiatry and Mental Health, 2(1), 7. https://doi.org/10.1186/1753-2000-2-7

DeSalvo, K. B., Hyre, A. D., Ompad, D. C., Menke, A., Tynes, L. L., & Muntner, P. (2007). Symptoms of posttraumatic stress disorder in a New Orleans workforce following Hurricane Katrina. Journal of Urban Health, 84(2), 142–152. https://doi.org/10.1007/s11524-006-9147-1

Durst, N. (2010). Psychotherapie mit child survivors der Shoah. Psyche, 64(4), 289-315.

The Economist. (2021, July 28). Under Xi Jinping, the number of Chinese asylum-seekers has shot up. The Economist. https://www.economist.com/graphic-detail/2021/07/28/under-xi-jinping-the-number-of-chinese-asylum-seekers-has-shot-up

Ellison, C. G. (1991). Religious involvement and subjective well-being. Journal of Health and Social Behavior, 32(1), 80-99. https://doi.org/10.2307/2136801

Fabricatore, A. N., Handal, P. J., & Fenzel, L. M. (2000). Personal spirituality as a moderator of the relationship between stressors and subjective well-being. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 28(3), 221-228. https://doi.org/10.1177/009164710002800305

Felsen, I. (2017). Adult-onset trauma and intergenerational transmission: Integrating empirical data and psychoanalytic theory. Psychoanalysis, Self and Context, 12(1), 60-77. https://doi.org/10.1080/15551024.2017.1251185

Fenzel, L. (1996). Spiritual involvement scale. Unpublished manuscript, Loyola College.

Foster, R. (2010). The trauma of persecution: Responding to survivors of the post-traumatic wounds of extreme violence and inhumane treatment. International Journal for Religious Freedom, 3(1), 47-63. https://ijrf.org/index.php/home/article/view/223/258

Fraley, R. C., Heffernan, M. E., Vicary, A. M., & Brumbaugh, C. C. (2011). The experiences in close relationships-relationship structures questionnaire: A method for assessing attachment orientations across relationships. Psychological Assessment, 23(3), 615-625. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0022898

Galea, S., Tracy, M., Norris, F., & Coffey, S. F. (2008). Financial and social circumstances and the incidence and course of PTSD in Mississippi during the first two years after Hurricane Katrina. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 21(4), 357-368. https://doi.org/10.1002/jts.20355

Giladi, L. & Bell, T. S. (2013). Protective factors for intergenerational transmission of trauma among second and third generation Holocaust survivors. Psychological Trauma, 5(4), 384–391. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0028455

Glaser, B. & Strauss, A. (1967). The discovery of grounded theory: strategies for qualitative research. Aldine.

Goodwin-Gill, G.S. (1996). The refugee in international law (2nd edition). Oxford University Press.

Gray, M. J., Litz, B. T., Hsu, J. L., & Lombardo, T. W. (2004). Psychometric properties of the life events checklist. Assessment, 11(4), 330–341. https://doi.org/10.1177/1073191104269954

Grünberg, K. & Markert, F. (2017). Child survivors: Stolen childhood-scenic memory of the Shoah in Jewish child or adolescent survivors of Nazi persecution. American Journal of Psychoanalysis, 77(2), 105–127. https://doi.org/10.1057/s11231-017-9086-5

Han, M. (2006). Relationship among perceived parental trauma, parental attachment, and sense of coherence in Southeast Asian American college students. Journal of Family Social Work, 9(2), 25-45. https://doi.org/10.1300/J039v09n02_02

Helgeson, V. S., Reynolds, K. A., & Tomich, P. L. (2006). A meta-analytic review of benefit finding and growth. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 74(5), 797–816. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-006X.74.5.797

Herman, J. L. (1997). Trauma and recovery: The aftermath of violence—from domestic abuse to political terror. BasicBooks.

Iliffe, G. & Steed, L. G. (2000). Exploring the counselor’s experience of working with perpetrators and survivors of domestic violence. Journal of Interpersonal Violence, 15(4), 393-412. https://doi.org/10.1177/088626000015004004

Kassam-Adams, N. (1999). The risks of treating sexual trauma: Stress and secondary trauma in psychotherapists. In B.H. Stamm (Ed.), Secondary traumatic stress: Self-care issues for clinicians, researchers, and educators (pp. 37-48). Sidran.

Kellermann, N. P. (2001). Perceived parental rearing behavior in children of Holocaust survivors. Israel Journal of Psychiatry and Related Sciences, 38(1), 58-68.

Kellermann, N. P. F. (2013). Epigenetic transmission of Holocaust trauma: Can nightmares be inherited? Israel Journal of Psychiatry and Related Sciences, 50(1), 33-39.

Kizilhan, J. I., Noll-Hussong, M., & Wenzel, T. (2021). Transgenerational transmission of trauma across three generations of Alevi Kurds. International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health, 19(1), 81. https://doi.org/10.3390/ijerph19010081

Letzter-Pouw, S. E., Shrira, A., Ben-Ezra, M., & Palgi, Y. (2014). Trauma transmission through perceived parental burden among Holocaust survivors’ offspring and grandchildren. Psychological Trauma, 6(4), 420–429. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0033741

Lijtmaer, R. (2017). Untold stories and the power of silence in the intergenerational transmission of social trauma. American Journal of Psychoanalysis, 77(3), 274-284. https://doi.org/10.1057/s11231-017-9102-9

Lincoln, Y.S. & Guba, E.G. (1985). Naturalistic inquiry. Sage.

Milad, M. R., Pitman, R. K., Ellis, C. B., Gold, A. L., Shin, L. M., Lasko, N. B., Zeidan, M. A., Handwerger, K., Orr, S. P., & Rauch, S. L. (2009). Neurobiological basis of failure to recall extinction memory in posttraumatic stress disorder. Biological Psychiatry, 66(12), 1075–1082. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.biopsych.2009.06.026

Montgomery, E. (2004). Tortured families: A coordinated management of meaning analysis. Family Process, 43(3), 349-371. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1545-5300.2004.00027.x

Nooney, J. & Woodrum, E. (2002). Religious coping and church-based social support as predictors of mental health outcomes: Testing a conceptual model. Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion, 41(2), 359-368. https://doi.org/10.1111/1468-5906.00122

Open Doors International. (2022, January). China: Full country dossier. https://www.opendoors.org/en-US/research-reports/country-dossiers/China-Full-Country-Dossier-Revised-24-January-2022.pdf.

Padgett, D. K. (2008). Qualitative methods in social work research (2nd edition). Sage.

Plänkers, T. (2014). Landscapes of the Chinese soul: The enduring presence of the Cultural Revolution. Karnac.

Plänkers, T. (2011). Psychic impact and outcome of the Chinese Cultural Revolution (1966–1976). A psychoanalytic research project at the Sigmund-Freud-institut, Frankfurt (Germany). International Journal of Applied Psychoanalytic Studies, 8(3), 227-238. https://doi.org/10.1002/aps.305

Rauch, S. L., Whalen, P. J., Shin, L. M., McInerney, S. C., Macklin, M. L., Lasko, N. B., Orr, S. P., & Pitman, R. K. (2000). Exaggerated amygdala response to masked facial stimuli in posttraumatic stress disorder: A functional MRI study. Biological Psychiatry, 47(9), 769-776. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0006-3223(00)00828-3

Resick, P. A., Nishith, P., Weaver, T. L., Astin, M. C., & Feuer, C. A. (2002). A comparison of cognitive-processing therapy with prolonged exposure and a waiting condition for the treatment of chronic posttraumatic stress disorder in female rape victims. Journal of Consulting and Clinical Psychology, 70(4), 867-879. https://doi.org/10.1037/0022-006X.70.4.867

Rothbaum, B. O., Foa, E. B., Riggs, D. S., Murdock, T., & Walsh, W. (1992). A prospective examination of post-traumatic stress disorder in rape victims. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 5(3), 455–475. https://doi.org/10.1002/jts.2490050309

Ruggiero, K. J., Del Ben, K., Scotti, J. R., & Rabalais, A. E. (2003). Psychometric properties of the PTSD checklist-Civilian version. Journal of Traumatic Stress, 16(5), 495–502. https://doi.org/10.1023/A:1025714729117

Sangalang, C. C. & Vang, C. (2017). Intergenerational trauma in refugee families: A systematic review. Journal of Immigrant and Minority Health, 19(3), 745-754. https://doi.org/10.1007/s10903-016-0499-7

Shin, L. M., Whalen, P. J., Pitman, R. K., Bush, G., Macklin, M. L., Lasko, N. B., Orr, S. P., McInerney, S. C., & Rauch, S. L. (2001). An fMRI study of anterior cingulate function in posttraumatic stress disorder. Biological Psychiatry, 50(12), 932-942. https://doi.org/10.1016/S0006-3223(01)01215-X

Siegel, J. & Han, W. J. (2018). Family exposure to potentially traumatic events and Chinese children’s psychological adjustment: A transgenerational study. Journal of Child and Family Studies, 27(2), 431-442. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1007/s10826-017-0894-2

Ting, R. S.-K. & Watson, T. (2007). Is suffering good? An explorative study on the religious persecution among Chinese pastors. Journal of Psychology and Theology, 35(3), 202-210. https://doi.org/10.1177/009164710703500303

U.S.C. Title 15—Commerce and Trade, Pub. L. 90-321, title VIII, §806, as added Pub. L. 95-109, Sept. 20, 1977, 91 Stat. 877. https://www.govinfo.gov/app/details/USCODE-2015-title15/USCODE-2015-title15-chap41-subchapV-sec1692d

Wang, X. & Gordon, R. (2018). A case study of intergenerational transmission of trauma in China: “I can’t hug my child.” Presented at the American Psychoanalytic Association Meeting in New York City.

Weathers, F. W., Litz, B. T., Huska, J. A., & Keane, T. M. (1994). PTSD checklist—Civilian version. National Center for PTSD, Behavioral Science Division.

Yehuda, R., Halligan, S. L., & Grossman, R. (2001). Childhood trauma and risk for PTSD: Relationship to intergenerational effects of trauma, parental PTSD, and cortisol excretion. Development and Psychopathology, 13(3), 733-753. https://psycnet.apa.org/doi/10.1017/S0954579401003170